Texas Supreme Court hearing in Texas Democratic Party v. King Street Patriots, Inc.

The Texas Supreme Court heard arguments today in part of Texas Democratic Party v. King Street Patriots, Inc.  The Texas Election Code allows private parties to sue political opponents for alleged violations of campaign finance law, and the Texas Democratic Party and some of its candidates sued KSP in 2010 for allegedly acting as a “political committee” as defined in Texas law without registering with the Ethics Commission, and for making corporate political contributions, which are prohibited.  (There is no allegation that actual money was transferred; the allegation is that KSP’s activities resulted in deemed in-kind contributions to certain candidates by training poll watchers, etc.).

I went to Austin to watch the argument.   More to come on this case later, but I wanted to post an initial reaction to the argument.  Among other things, because the plaintiffs are claiming KSP made an illegal corporate contribution, KSP brings a facial challenge to the Texas ban on corporate contributions (which applies to both nonprofits and for-profit corporations).  The attorney for the Democratic Party focused his argument on convincing the Court that if the Texas corporate contribution ban is struck down, it will “open the floodgates” to anonymous contributions funneled to campaigns through sham corporations set up to serve exactly that purpose.  This is misleading.

In fact, just like federal law, Texas law already bans undisclosed earmarking.  In other words, it is illegal in Texas to give money to an intermediary (individual or organization) earmarked for a campaign, without disclosing the true source of the contribution (that is, without informing the campaign of the true source of the funds so the campaign can report the true source).  TEC Rule 22.3 (effective since 1993) states that “[a] person may not knowingly make or authorize a political contribution or political expenditure in the name of or on behalf of another unless the person discloses the name and address of the person who is the true source of the contribution.”  1 Tex. Admin. Code 22.3.

The U.S. Supreme Court has already indicated that the government cannot point to a hypothetical horrible that is “already illegal under current campaign finance laws” to justify additional restrictions on First Amendment-protected contributions.  McCutcheon v. FEC, 134 S. Ct. 1434, 1456 (2014).  Notably, the hypothetical rejected by the McCutcheon Court relied on already-illegal earmarking, just as the hypothetical offered by the Texas Democratic Party attorney today.  In McCutcheon, the government claimed the aggregate limits were necessary because, otherwise, a single person could write a huge check to a joint fundraiser, where each participant would then conspire to transfer its portion of the contribution to a pre-ordained ultimate recipient, which would then spend the money to support a single candidate.  The Court correctly pointed out that “this speculation relies on illegal earmarking.”  Id. at 1455.

There are many aspects of this case.  But the Democratic Party clearly wants to scare the Texas Court into following this theme of anonymous corporate cash. It is a ruse that ignores current Texas law (although nobody cited this provision today). The Court would err if it were to take the bait, as McCutcheon instructs.

Reported #voterfraud investigation in Nueces County, Texas

I just noticed this story from the Corpus Christi Caller-Times, reporting on an apparent investigation by state authorities into allegations that campaign workers filled out a voter’s mail-in ballot without his direction:

“He said he had a mail in ballot, but it had already been filled out,” Franklin said. “I asked if (Gonzalez) had helped him, and he said, ‘No, she took it from me and she filled it out the way she wanted to.’

“There’s so much fraud there it’s unbelievable,” she added.

Franklin, who has been working Nueces County elections for about 15 years, said a relative of Flores “brought in people every day that she didn’t seem to know.”

This type of fraud is commonplace in the Rio Grande Valley, and was part of the reason Letty Lopez prevailed in her election contest and the court ordered a new election.

Election Manipulation Dies Hard in Weslaco, Texas

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The testimony above is from the Feb. 4, 2014 deposition of Maria Berrones, a proud Weslaco voter who has some experience with current candidate for Wesalco Commission District 5, Lupe Rivera, Jr.

Recently, Rivera, Jr. announced that he would challenge Letty Lopez for the District 5 Commissioner seat, providing another chapter in this ongoing struggle against illegal voting practices in South Texas.

After a four-day trial in March 2014, Letty Lopez, represented by Najvar Law Firm, won a landmark election contest.  She proved 30 illegal votes were cast in the November 2013 election between Lopez and Lupe Rivera, Sr, nearly twice the margin of victory. Ten of those votes were cast by friends and relatives of Lupe Rivera, Sr., who registered to vote in District 5 but did not live in District 5. Twenty votes were illegal because the Rivera campaign had violated one or more Election Code statutes specifically passed to protect against coercion or fraud in mail-in balloting. The district court ordered a new election. Najvar Law Firm successsfully defended the case on appeal, and that opinion–from Texas’s Thirteenth Court of Appeals in Corpus Christi–provides a valuable precedent enforcing the residency requirement in the Election Code, and the anti-fraud provisions regarding mail-in ballots.

Back to Maria Berrones.  Her testimony proved devastating to Rivera’s defense, because here-for once-was a rare example of someone willing and able to testify to exactly the type of coercion and abuse of elderly mail-ballot voters that is commonplace in South Texas elections. She said she requested a mail-in ballot because Lupe Rivera, Sr. had come by her house and suggested that she vote by mail. He told her to call him when the ballot arrived, and not to give it to anyone else. He showed up at Berrones’ house after it arrived, even before she called. She handed it to him and he filled it out. He didn’t ask how she wanted to vote. He handed it to her to sign, then left in a hurry because he had to visit other people.

Berrones’s family was incensed when they heard what happened, and tried to take her to vote in person with them, hoping they could cancel the mail ballot. Berrones testified that she wanted to vote for Lopez. But the poll workers told her that the mail ballot had already been counted, so she could not vote:

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After trial, the district court found the evidence sufficient to conclude that the ballot was illegal, and that since Rivera had completed the ballot, he had “voted for himself,” and the court deducted the vote from Rivera’s total.

Apparently Lupe Rivera, Jr., who had helped his father collect the mail ballots, had an idea that Berrones’ testimony would be devastating. So after she had been subpoenaed by Lopez for a pre-trial deposition, Rivera, Jr. went to her house and tried to convince her not to show up.

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Thankfully, to her great credit, Ms. Berrones showed up and testified courageously.  Her testimony was critical to the case and provides a window into the tactics used in coercing and taking advantage of ballot by mail voters. There were 29 other votes the court also threw out.  Weslaco got a new election, and Letty Lopez defeated Rivera Sr. in the rematch in November 2015.

Weslaco residents filed a criminal complaint with the Texas Secretary of State based on evidence from the election contest, and the Attorney General’s office filed 16 misdemeanor charges against Lupe Rivera, Sr. and two against Lupe Rivera, Jr.  Senior pled guilty to unlawful assistance of a voter, i.e., “while assisting Maria Berrones…knowingly prepar[ing] the voter’s ballot in a way other than the way the voter directed or without direction from the voter,” and got a year in jail (suspended during community supervision) and $500 fine. The state prosecutor testified in a legislative hearing in Austin in September that the Weslaco case illustrated an example of how elections are tained by manipulation of voters through false pretenses. Apparently the prosecutors dropped charges against Junior on account of Senior’s guilty plea.

So, naturally, Lupe Rivera, Jr., who desperately tried to convince an elderly woman to disobey a subpoena, is now running to take back the seat that his father lost after Lopez proved in court that the Rivera campaign had harvested 30 illegal votes.

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One lesson from this is that rooting out these practices and restoring integrity to elections in South Texas–famous for Lyndon Johnson’s “ballot box 13” that miraculously put him over the top in 1948’s Senate elections–will require a sustained effort. I hope the voters of Weslaco turn out in droves in November and send a message in this election.

TX Supreme Court orders Houston City Council to honor referendum petition seeking repeal of ERO

The Texas Supreme Court today issued a decision (with no dissenters) ordering the City of Houston to place on November’s ballot the question whether the city’s recently-enacted “Equal Rights Ordinance”  shall be repealed.  Mayor Parker and the City Attorney’s office have been arguing that the petition was insufficient for various reasons (some of which I have written about before), and Council had refused to honor the petition claiming there were not enough signatures. However, the City Secretary had initially “certified” that the petition contained a sufficient number of valid signatures.  The wrinkle was that the City Attorney had conducted his own review, overlapping with the Secretary’s, concluded the petition was insufficient, and the Secretary’s report to Council referred (but did not adopt) the City Attorney’s contrary finding.

The linchpin of the decision is the fact that the Charter vests the City Secretary alone with the duty to certify whether a petition contains a sufficient number of valid signatures.  The Supreme Court’s analysis is pretty simple:  because the Charter vests the Secretary with certification responsibility, and the Secretary’s report stated that she had certified a sufficient number of signatures, the Council’s duty to act (repealing the ordinance or putting it to a public vote) immediately kicked in.  The Court conditionally granted a writ of mandamus ordering the Council to either repeal the ordinance itself or put it to a vote on the November 2015 ballot, which are the only two options available under the Charter once a sufficient petition has been certified.

This blog will cover this case going forward.  If the City wants to challenge the validity of the petition, the Supreme Court states that the City has the duty to seek affirmative relief stopping the election process.  However, this points up another thorny issue as to when it is appropriate for a court to enjoin an election process that has already begun.  I suspect Mayor Parker will want to file an immediate original petition in district court.

The decision will be warmly received by petition groups across the State.  Municipalities commonly throw up objections to petitions, claiming–often disingenuously–that signatures are invalid for various reasons.  This decision will solve that problem, at least in cases where the official vested with certification duty (like the Secretary here) certifies the petition. Most charter petition procedures are written like Houston’s, where the Council’s duty to act becomes ministerial upon certification.  However, if the official with certification authority acts like the City Attorney’s office did here, petitioners will still be required to go to court first.

 

Effort to remove Port Isabel councilmembers goes to Cameron County court Tuesday

The Monitor reports today on an interesting situation with dueling motions to remove three Port Isabel, Texas councilmembers.  One member filed an agenda item requesting the removal of a fellow member for alleged delinquent taxes; subsequently, a motion was made to remove the original complainant as well as another member.  The latter two were in fact removed after a council vote, but they sued, alleging failure to follow charter procedures and due process before the removal. The hearing Tuesday should be to determine whether the council acted properly in removing the two members.

Federal court enjoins Houston blackout period on political fundraising

NLF represents Trebor Gordon, candidate for Houston City Council at-large in November 2015’s elections.  We filed a lawsuit November 4 challenging Houston’s ordinance that prevents fundraising by city candidates until February 1 of the election year.  The fundamental argument is that Gordon has the right to fundraise for his campaign whenever he wants; he does not have to wait until February 1 to start raising money.  Today, the court issued an order granting Gordon’s request for a preliminary injunction.

SEE ORDER HERE